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Is the rapid growth of China’s emerging industries driven by industrial subsidies?: People’s Daily_我的网站

A |

China saw robust exports in electric vehicles (EV), lithium batteries and photovoltaic products, known as the "new three," in the first half of this year. More notably, robotics, artificial intelligence (AI) and innovative drugs, which represent the future direction of industrial development, are also emerging as new calling cards for China's foreign trade.
However, the impressive performance provoked unease among some Western media outlets and politicians. Some have deliberately portrayed China's rapid industrial development and strong competitiveness as a result of government subsidies, pushing the false claim that subsidies have created overcapacity and those low-priced Chinese products are flooding global markets. Such fallacies, which simply equate industrial subsidies with overcapacity, are not only logically flawed but also factually groundless.
In practice, many countries adopt industrial policies tailored to their national conditions and development needs, such as providing research and development (R&D) subsidies for emerging industries and risk related subsidies for agriculture.
Well-designed industrial subsidies can help address market failures, promote technological innovation and environmental protection, reduce poverty and support balanced development, rather than cause so called "overcapacity."
Multiple reports by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development have noted that the number of industrial policies worldwide has grown rapidly over the past five years, with R&D subsidies, tax incentives and low interest loans for emerging industries becoming common international practices.
Forcibly linking industrial subsidies to "overcapacity" is, in essence, a political manipulation based on double standards. The US, for example, plans to provide $750 billion in various subsidies from 2022 to 2031 under its Inflation Reduction Act. Subsidized EVs are subject to requirements such as production and sales in the US or North America, effectively excluding other WTO members. US industrial subsidies for AI are even greater than those of all other countries combined.
Similarly, according to incomplete statistics, the European Commission is expected to provide more than 1.44 trillion euros ($210 billion) in various subsidies between 2021 and 2030. The EU's Industrial Accelerator Act links local content directly to financial support through "Made in EU" requirements, creating serious investment barriers and institutional discrimination.
Have these massive subsidies been labeled as causing "overcapacity"? The answer is no. While claiming that China's industrial subsidies lead to so-called overcapacity, these countries are themselves providing massive subsidies to their own industries. Such double standards amount to selective accusations targeting China, aimed at politicizing trade and economic issues and weaponizing industrial policy.
At a deeper level, accusations that "China's industrial subsidies cause overcapacity" are merely a pretext, reflecting growing anxiety and fear over the rising competitiveness of Chinese industries.
Looking back at the repeated hype in Western media, the criticism has consistently targeted China's most globally competitive industries, including new-energy vehicles, photovoltaics and power batteries. This exposes the real intention of shifting the blame for their own lagging industrial development onto China while stepping up restrictions against Chinese industries.
China's breakthroughs in these industries have been driven by advances in homegrown technologies, complete industrial and supply chains, and robust market competition, rather than by policy subsidies as some have claimed.
In recent years, China has taken multiple steps to regulate and improve its subsidy policies, from reviewing and correcting inappropriate local subsidies to exploring a unified negative list mechanism for local fiscal subsidies. China applies subsidies equally to all market entities, including foreign invested enterprises, strictly follows WTO rules, and continues to improve the compliance, effectiveness and transparency of its subsidy policies.
Rather than fabricating and hyping baseless claims about subsidies and obsessing over building trade barriers, certain Western media outlets and politicians should focus on addressing their own weaknesses and increasing investment in research and development. They should embrace healthy market competition with an inclusive mindset, promote mutual benefit through greater openness, and win markets and drive progress through genuine innovation.
This was compiled and translated by the Global Times English edition based on an article published in the "Chisu Jinsheng" economic commentary column of the People's Daily on August 10, 2026.
。 圣淘沙名胜世界博彩营运总裁安德鲁·麦克唐纳被下“禁客令”,禁止进入滨海湾金沙。(图:Facebook/Andrew MacDonald)被指试图挖走前东家滨海湾金沙的高净值玩家,圣淘沙名胜世界博彩营运总裁被下“禁客令”,禁止进入滨海湾金沙。根据《亚博汇》报道,圣淘沙名胜世界博彩营运总裁安德鲁·麦克唐纳(Andrew MacDonald)本月19日在社交媒体Facebook上自揭,收到前东家发出的“不受欢迎人士”(Persona Non Grata,简称PNG)通知。禁止他进入滨海湾金沙综合娱乐城赌场、酒店、商场和会议展览中心等区域的通知是在2024年7月31日发出,通知将持续有效直至另行通知。

B | 如果他试图进入上述区域或在这些区域逗留,滨海湾金沙保留采取法律行动的权利。据《亚博汇》探知,滨海湾金沙向麦克唐纳发出这个通知,是因为担心他在7月底几次到访试图挖走金沙的顾客和员工。

C | 麦克唐纳在赌场行业拥有40多年的经验,曾经在滨海湾金沙工作将近12年,包括担任企业高级副总裁兼博彩营运总裁,直到2021年底辞职。他在大约12个月后加入圣淘沙名胜世界,担任博彩营运总裁,并且也是圣淘沙名胜世界的董事。麦克唐纳接受《亚博汇》访问时否认试图挖走玩家或员工,并声称在相关期间的所有拜访纯属社交性质。麦克唐纳称,他是因为好友、墨尔本皇冠酒店(Crown Melbourne)前高层迈克·苏格鲁(Mike Sugrue)从澳大利亚到访,他才会到滨海湾金沙。

D | 他也承认在滨海湾金沙跟两名相识的高净值玩家进行交谈,但他表示,这些互动纯属巧合,而非由他主动。麦克唐纳和苏格鲁都表示,他们也碰到许多目前在滨海湾金沙工作的员工,有些人还帮他们订了餐馆。麦克唐纳也证实,他在7月22日曾到滨海湾金沙赌场内的汤点面家用餐,7月26日再次到访赌场。

E | 报道指出,一家赌场向另一家赌场的高管发出“不受欢迎人士”通知或类似禁令是极为罕见的,这在新加坡的双赌场垄断局面中更是闻所未闻。

F | 麦克唐纳在滨海湾金沙和圣淘沙名胜世界都有担任高层的经历,本身就很独特。滨海湾金沙答复《亚博汇》询问时表示,不会轻易决定禁止任何人进入。公司有严谨的程序评估是否应该这么做,而这种决定背后的考量因素是保密的。
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